Document Created: 22 August 2007
Air & Space Power
Journal Fall 2007
Space: The Frontiers of Modern Defence by K. K. Nair. Knowledge World
(http://knowledgeworldonline.com/index.htm), 5A/4A Ansari Road, Darya Ganj, New
Delhi-110002, 2006, 254 pages, $25.00 (hardcover).
Early in 2007, China tested its satellite-killing weapon, a medium-range KT-1
ballistic missile. The news met with international condemnation, particularly in
the United States, whose monopoly in space-based navigational and surveillance
technology was threatened. India, too, felt the anxiety even though critics
argued that China had a right to challenge the United States’ monopoly of space.
China had pressed for treaties outlawing arms in space, which the United States
had summarily ignored.
India, a tiger economy with fragile relations with the neighbouring countries of Pakistan and China, may have much to be concerned about. Squadron Leader K. K. Nair writes a persuasive treatise covering most, if not all, areas of the use of space for India’s national security. Knowledgeable in theory as well as versed in strategic and practical import, the author has a comprehensive grasp on the terrain. With an eye to the history and capability of other established and emerging space powers, Space: The Frontiers of Modern Defence is composed with a purpose—to encourage the merging of air defence and space defence in India, which, up until now, have largely operated in separate spheres.
Whilst Nair lauds India’s progress and achievements—from transporting its rockets on bicycles and payloads on bullock carts in the 1960s to developing the world’s first satellite to provide support for educational projects (EDUSAT)—he is also mindful of the fact that India’s space programme is overly focused on national civil development and welfare to the neglect of military needs. This has led to some irksome situations: despite the presence of the civilian Department of Space, which has the largest constellation of remote-sensing satellites in the world, the Indian military still has to scout for commercial imagery from agencies such as United States’ Space Imaging and Israel’s Ofeq.
To alleviate such problems, the author proposes “a national space programme where the civil and military aspects complement and draw strength from each other” (p. 255). He asserts that this “makes enormous economic sense” (p. 19). For one, no “budget-draining” is required to transfer civilian to military space endeavours: “Launchers make no difference between civil and military payloads” (p. 226). For another, unlike conventional military systems, which need constant updating at great cost, space systems do not require such expenditure once installed.
To this end, the book proposes a road map for military utilisation until the year 2037. Well aware that fine plans may become mothballed when faced with the inertia of institutions, however, the author suggests training and educating leaders and specialists who could take India to the next level in terms of the militarization of space.
Overall, the book provides a good balance among the informational, theoretical, and propositional. Chapter 5, on the inadequate legislation pertaining to technologies in outer space, is particularly excellent.
My contention with the book is that it makes some dubious generalisations under the banner of objectivity. For instance, the author states without any evidence that “war and conflict are inherent parts of human nature” (p. 68). His premise is also based on the idea that the “high ground” must be conquered (p. 42), failing to take on board the importance of stealth and strategy, which can sometimes resist surveillance: high ground did not help either in the thick jungles of the Vietnam War with the United States or, as the author also mentions, in the detection of the Pokhran II tests by US satellites.
Nair’s proposals for the militarization of space are overly glowing. There is no mention of technological problems in both space and air domains, which have littered India’s past. Nor is space-based information foolproof, as evident in the Gulf War of 1991, in which all attacks by precision-control missiles were deemed to result in collateral as opposed to civilian casualties. Accidents still happened.
In fact, one finds much recourse to the example of Operation Desert Storm as the “first space war” because every aspect of military operations depended largely on support from space-based systems (p. 18). Nair offers little coverage of other wars or a sketching out of potential scenarios for India that could make the case of space-based defence more convincing.
When it comes to accounting for China and Pakistan, the book spares no criticism—firstly, for the collusions between the two countries. Nair deems them the most dangerous for wanting to carve out national territory in outer space despite the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, which considers space the province of all mankind (p. 144).
Secondly, the author analyzes the ominous signs of China’s mighty aspirations to conquer space. This could “trigger a space weaponisation race in addition to the prevailing nuclear competitions and tensions” (p. 133), which raises the question, does India want to encourage this? Furthermore, why doesn’t the United States come in under the scalpel here for setting the whole agenda in the first place?
There are several other unanswered questions. Nair suggests that since space research is already well funded in India, some of this can be complementary to the needs of the military. But when it comes to other countries, he notes how costs of space-based defence can act as a “limiting rider” (p. 86). Undoubtedly extra funds will be required for defence-specific developments. Where will these come from and at what costs? How is it to be developed—indigenously or in cooperation with other countries? It is not clear whether he is arguing for space enhancement of ordinary wars or also the militarization of space.
Can India’s resources cope with the increased expenditure if it is seen as an aggressor nation in space? Is it in a position to counter perceived enemies with antisatellite and directed-energy systems as well as microsatellite configurations and jamming weaponry, and can it have the potential to detonate nuclear devices in space that can release an electromagnetic impulse which could cripple space assets in the targeted vicinity? Does it want to start playing that war game with more powerful countries? This is on top of the unmentioned consequences of increased use of space that could add to the space-debris problem. Out of sight, out of mind, it seems.
There is a fine line between protecting national assets and becoming an aggressor nation at the cost of other national developments for the betterment of society. Striking the balance is key.
Dr. Raminder Kaur
University of Sussex, United Kingdom
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