Air University Review, March-April 1982

Latin America—Quo Vadis?

The prevalence of guerrilla warfare and terrorism south of the border and particularly the recent upsurge of violence in Central America have heightened concern over the future of U.S.-Latin American relations in a region traditionally considered safe and secure. The resurgence of U.S. interest in Latin America, so aptly identified by Federico G. Gil as "the cyclical nature of inter-American relations,"¹ has been accompanied by an increased flow of books and periodical materials on the region. It is expected that the proliferation of publications will continue and that the specialist once again will have a heyday until the present cycle spends itself. At least the general public should become more familiar with the area through the mass media, and many may be motivated to scurry to their atlases to pinpoint the locations of unfamiliar names. My purpose here is to examine three of the newer additions to the growing body of Latin Americana.

The first of these selections concentrates on and is entitled Latin American Politics and Development.* Prepared as a textbook, it should be welcomed by professors and students alike for its adaptability to different teaching approaches and the well-organized, thematic pattern developed by Howard Wiarda and Harvey Kline. Utilizing a country-by-country approach, 21 political scientists with impressive credentials analyze 19 Latin American republics and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Major emphasis is placed on historical, governmental, and developmental factors. A concluding chapter examines aspects of commonality in the region and prospects for the future.

* Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, editors, Latin American Politics and Development (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1979, $14.95), 500 pages.

Five of the introductory chapters explore major themes used in the treatment of the individual countries: historical development, modernization, interest groups and parties, state structure, and public policy. The ability of the reader to take any one of these themes and relate it to a particular country covered in the text is a rewarding feature of this work.

A major criticism of the book is the omission of Haiti, Guyana, Surinam, and the newly independent Caribbean Island republics from treatment in the country-by-country coverage. This omission is surprising in view of the editors’ observation that "the rise of new Caribbean independence and black power movements" is a significant factor in Latin American politics.² Yet, a chapter on Puerto Rico (Estado Libre Asociado) is included and should be considered a bonus in a treatment of the American republics.

The editors observe that "it has been nearly a decade since the last comprehensive, country-by-country textbook on Latin American politics was written."³ It is hoped that one will not have to wait so long for another such treatment in a more comprehensive mode by a similar group of distinguished contributors.

Although textbooks generally are not considered to be popular pastime reading, the second selection should appeal to those whose knowledge of Latin American affairs may be limited but whose appetite for a better understanding and appreciation of the region has been whetted by U.S. adversities and adventures in the Americas to the south. In The Fractured Continent: Latin America in Close-up, even the title provides a key to the author’s outlook toward the region.* Ambassador Willard Beaulac attempts to diagnose the problems and bind the fractures by exposing the myths and pointing out the mistakes of the past. Beaulac’s wide experience in inter-American affairs, acquired in large part through two decades of diplomatic service in Central America, the Caribbean area, and South America, eminently qualifies him for the task at hand.⁴

*William L. Beaulac, The Fractured Continent: Latin America in Close-up (Stanford, California: The Hoover Institution Press, 1980, $11.95) 232 pages.

The Fractured Continent is written in an interesting, easily read, and informative style and offers several inducements to a wide readership. Many of Beaulac’s firsthand observations on the Latin American scene not only lend a high degree of credibility to his account but serve also to reinforce his viewpoint on where the United States headed in the wrong direction in its policies toward that region. The book is controversial in opposing policies such as the primacy of human rights, the tolerance of ideological pluralism, and the infusion of massive aid in Latin America. In short, the author offers the probability that the United States, instead of neglect, has "done too much for Latin America—in wrong ways."⁵

In a little more than 200 pages, Beaulac presents a panorama of Latin America from the days of the conquistadors to the present Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. After tracing the emergence of Latin America, he examines the characteristics of contemporary politics, discusses the problems of and prospects for development, and reviews the status of United States-Latin American relations in the context of global affairs. Any one of these topics lends itself to a book-length treatment, but Beaulac skillfully focuses on the most significant aspects of the subject and handles them in a concise but meaningful manner. He singles out four "isms" as having the most important effect on the politico-economic life of the region: caudillismo and militarism, anti-imperialism, nationalism, and Marxism. A separate chapter is devoted to each of these forces.

Of particular interest to the reader, in view of recent developments in Central America, is an epilogue on Nicaragua. Ambassador Beaulac delves into his past associations with and recollections of the elder Somoza and his sons, "Tachito" and Luis, and attempts to rebut the oft-repeated charges of critics and the media in regard to U.S. complicity in placing and maintaining the Somoza regime in power. Beaulac occupied a diplomatic post in Managua from 1929 to 1933, during the time of U.S. intervention and institution of the Nicaraguan constabulary, and knew the elder Somoza in the latter’s capacity as Undersecretary of Foreign Relations in the administration of President Moncada. Beaulac’s tour of duty there ended in the same year that the U.S. Marines departed and the elder Somoza took over the reigns of government. In the following year, General César Augusto Sandino was assassinated by Guardia Nacional members. The author also examines the takeover in Nicaragua by the Sandinistas and criticizes the Organization of American States for its ineffective efforts to resolve the controversy.

Perhaps the major weakness of the book is the author’s failure to give specific prescriptions for mending The Fractured Continent. A separate chapter summarizing the mistakes of the past and proposing alternative courses of action for the future is conspicuous by its absence. The time for such thinking is now. After the next shattering event occurs, it will probably be too late to come up with the most considered course of action to be taken.

The final selection, The Cruel Dilemmas of Development, focuses on Brazil.* Author Sylvia Hewlett, an economics professor, incorporates the results of field research with her expertise as well as advice from such eminent scholars as Celso Furtado, outstanding Brazilian economist, to produce a concise but controversial work. Since it is basically an economic treatise, interest in the contents will be greater for the specialist than the layman and more appropriate for theoretical than applicative pursuits. The book is logically organized and well documented, including chapter notes and a collection of statistical tables in the appendix.

*Sylvia Ann Hewlett, The Cruel Dilemmas of Development: Twentieth-Century Brazil (New York: Basic Books, 1980, $15.00), 243 pages.

Hewlett has an enviable writing style that enables the reader to comprehend concepts and principles that otherwise might be hopelessly confused. She examines the late development features of the Brazilian structural arrangements in the manner of a case study to illustrate their application to the Third World insofar as an adverse impact on social justice and political freedom is concerned. Her thesis is that the implementation of economic development in late development nondemocratic countries carries with it poverty and repression as built-in characteristics. Specifically, Brazil has been able to accomplish its "economic miracle" only through social and political policies that have violated basic human rights of a large segment of the population. The earlier concept so evident in the Alliance for Progress, which held that economic development would lead to steady improvement in the political and social aspects of society toward a more representative government and a greater concern for public welfare, is rejected.

From the viewpoint of organization, the author initially provides the reader an overview of early development in Western Europe and North America and highlights the divergencies between this phase and that experienced by the less-developed nations in the later industrialization period. A historical perspective is given on the Brazilian economy from the colonial era to the present. This is followed by an analysis of three key factors—inflation, the state, and the multinational corporation— which significantly affect the character of economic development in Brazil as well as the Third World. The final section exposes the "cruel" consequences of Brazilian economic development and compares the capitalist with the socialist approach to the modernization process, using the Brazilian and Chinese experiences as models.

Despite the author’s claim to the contrary, economic determinism seems to me to be the anvil on which a direct linkage is forged between development and inequity in less-developed countries lacking representative government and an egalitarian society. Specifically in the case of Brazil, as well as Latin America in general, Hewlett’s thesis appears to be oversimplified and misleading. Concepts such as democracy, human rights, social justice, political liberty, etc., as understood in North America, take on a different meaning and priority in the Brazilian environment. There these concepts become goals to be attained rather than mandates to be implemented here and now. The author’s ethnocentrism and use of emotive terms—such as "cruel dilemmas," "harsh realities," "painful human consequences," "ugly social and political trends"—to describe those aspects of Brazilian society that fail to measure up to Anglo-American standards serve to compound rather than clarify the modernization process and its implications for the future. Finally, the author concludes: "There are no easy routes to the modern world; the choices are extremely painful and will confront nations well into the future." (p. 218) Such an observation is not only vacuous but also recalls the earlier categorization of economics as the "dismal science." One can only hope that the spirit of John Stuart Mill lives on despite attempts of the Malthusian-Ricardo presentiment to rear its ugly head.

Notes

1. Federico G. Gil, "United States-Latin American Relations in the Changing Mid-70s," SECOLAS Annals, March 1976, p. 7.

2. Ibid., p. IX.

3. Ibid.

4. James M. Ethridge and Barbara Kopala, editors, Contemporary Authors, vols. 11-12 (Detroit, Michigan: Gale Research Company, 1965), pp. 31-32.

5. Ibid., p. XI.

Bynum E.Weathers, Jr. (B.A., M.A., University of North Carolina; Ph.D., University of Denver), is Associate Professor of Latin American Studies, Documentary Research Division, Air University. As an Air Force officer, Dr. Weathers was Assistant Professor of History at the United States Air Force Academy and has taught at Northeast Louisiana University and St. Mary’s University (San Antonio). He is author of The Role of the Military in Chilean Politics, 1810-1980 and A Strategic Appraisal of Latin America and a previous contributor to the Review.

The conclusions and opinions expressed in this document are those of the author cultivated in the freedom of expression, academic environment of Air University. They do not reflect the official position of the U.S. Government, Department of Defense, the United States Air Force or the Air University.

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